1 Rodes Hall
Crowborough, Sussex 23rd June, 1917 My dear --- I can assure you that nothing would give me greater
pleasure than to go out to America and indeed I have done not a little
to try to get there. In the first place I was assured of a good command
and though I loathe war on principle, I am too much of an Irishman not
to like the excitement of fighting. My view is this that we have all of
us a very important duty to do all in our power to end the brutal stu-
pidity of war-but seeing that neither you nor I had anything to say in
making or prosecuting this war, the fact that we are in it carries no
responsibility-beyond that of seeing that no ignoble things are done
within our own sphere of action. The same feeling ruled me in Dublin
last year. I hated and despised the policy which I had to carry out-I
had to fight men who suffered from a grievance and who fought in a
chivalrous manner, that they were my countrymen and that their grievance
was also mine, made it harder-yet had I refused to take my place in the
fight much worse things might have happened, than any gain which my
exemption from the fight could have caused. For example a good many more
innocent men would have been killed in Portabello Barracks than were
killed ........ until we .cut the painter-not of Empire, for I am a
British Commonwealthman-but of English influence in Ireland-we can have
no internal peace. We can, therefore, have no solid influence. The lamentable fact is this-I say so as one who while
being more Irish than English-and yet more Universal than either(be-
cause I have travelled much) the bourgeoise atmosphere of England saps
the virile energy of the Irish-and was before the little Rebellion of
last year doing infinite harm. Pearce foresaw this. The Communal 2 -2- spirit which is the basis of the Brehon Law, which is expressed in the
universal hospitality of the natural Irish,which is shown by the rapid
acceptance of the Cooperative movement,which is demonstrated by the
much easier disciplining of Irish Troops at the Front, was being slowly
destroyed by English Commercial ideals. The leaders of the so called Ir-
ish Party in Parliament were the first sufferers from this fell dis
ease. The revolt against them which we call Sinn Fein,is noth-
ing more than the jibbing of a people who believe that they are being
led into servitude. And they are right. They were being led into a
servitude to ideals which are foreign to all their traditions. Their
Leasers had been captured by the promises held out of the advantages of
Constitutional agitation-plus £400 a year. The little blaze of the Easter Rising knocked them all
silly. As I know, God help me, Redmond et hoc gereris, feared the Rebels
more thatn they feared the dominance of English ideals in Ireland. When I came to Redmond on the 2nd May, 1916-before any
of the Rebel Leaders had been executed-and told him that innocent Irish
men like Skeffington, were being slaughtered by English officers, and said
to him that you have now the opportunity of using this knowledge as a
lever to prevent unnecessary executions of rebels-he was cold. At any
rate he did nothing to prevent the most foolish policy-and brutal-namely
the slow executions,over two weeks,of the Leaders in the Revolt-
among whom were included 2 Assistant Scout Masters of Irish Boy Scouts,
aged 22 and 23 ( Colbert and Hewson ). The Irish Leaders in Parliament
were dumb in this crisis-thinking no doubt how the revolt might affect
their influence. So between the 3rd.May and the 12th. Pearce, McDonnagh,
Plunkett,Connolly and the rest-were done to death. Some of the choic-
est spirits in Ireland. And though perhaps the execution of some few
of them was necessary-there is no possibility of doubt that the shoot-
ing of 16 for a revolt of a few thousdands, was entirely unnecessary, was 3 -3- impolitic, and might have been prevented. Had the Irish Leaders in Parliament, on that day when I
reported to them the murders of Skeffington etcet. , risen to the occas-
ion-moved the adjournment of the House and played havoc with the whole
dirty place, they would have prevented the killing of at least a half
of the rebels. William O'Brien is was the one man among them (and he was ill)
who seemed to realise the opportunity. Let me put the mattter clearly before you.. On the 2nd. May-I having reported the murders of three
innocent men (by an officer who, though under my command, I had been pre-
vented by the Irish Headquarters from placing under arrest for his accts
and who a week afterwards was still allowed to be in command of troops)
to the War Office, I proceeded to the House of Commons, and there in the
presence of Mr. John Burns told the story to the Irish Leader, Mr. John
Redmond. The day before in Dublin I had heard that the Military Auth-
orities were going to shoot every man they could. I, therefore, said to
Mr. John Redmond that I placed in his hands facts of murder by a Brit-
ish officer, and that I hoped that he would use these as a lever with
the Govenment, to prevent an exuberance in executions of rebels. Nat-
urally, Redmond had all the cards in his hand-my bona fides was undoubt-
ed for I had just reported the same thing to the Secretary for War. Yet nothing was done, by the united effort of the Irish
Party, until the 16 were executed. I am a man accustomed in War, to act quickly-and to me
the greatest crime is that of delay. The Leader of the Irish Party
delayed until he saw which way the cat jumped-or was likely to jump-
and I have no use for such leaders. Moreover, his delay ruined his
party because for right or wrong, an Irishman who rebels, we, who know
Irish History, cannot honestly condem as such. And even if condem-
ing we might attempt to prevent the folly of violent retaliation. The fact remains that what we call Sinn Fein is the 4 -4- repudiation of the policy of mild compromise which has failed owing to
its own intrinsic weakness. 16 men were shot in cold blood for a lit-
tle rebellion-and the National Leaders did not try to prevent un-
necessary shootings. So they have lost power!! Now Sinn Fein, if properly led-as the soul of Ireland is
behind it-should settle for all time the Irish question. But I am not
sure. But of this I am sure it can-if it will-ally itself with
the spirit of the European peoples. This War was at first a very noble
Crusade-for freedom of a small Nationality, for the Defence of France
unjustly attacked. For this all Irishmen and the majority of Englishmen
who joined in 1914 came out for to fight. They did not come out to fight for trade,or conquest,or
Imperialism. Yet since the War commenced the Authorities have changed
the objective. Now it is for trade routes to the East,for German Col-
onies captured,for Alsace and Lorraine,for Constantinople,for Trieste-
and other things which not only have nothing to do with the original
sacrifice but are in some respects directly opposed to the interests
of those who first volunteered. Extension of trade for example is dir-
ectly opposed to the interests of the Workers until their share of
the profits of trade which they make by their industry is adjusted.
Any expansion of Commerce by any country is only a means by which the
Capitalist hopes to postpone the day of reckoning-the balancing of the
account,between Men and Labour. Therefore,you will see that the volunteers of 1914-1915,
the vast majority of whom are Socialists, or Trade Unionists, are going
now to put their end in to prevent Capitalist Imperialism The lines indicated by the Russian Republic-and in a
less distinct form by President Wilson,are those which the Labour Party
in England are demanding. As these are so closely in touch with the soul of Ire- 5 -5- land-there should be no difficulty. The Irish Americans must be with
us. This war,therefore,must be the last War-of this I am
sure every man engaged in the ranks of the many Armies engaged is quite
clear-but it also must not end in a Peace which is dictated by the in-
terests of an interested Class. Peace when it comes must be a People's
Peace,not that thing, a ephemeral thing, a Capitalist one. I do not know how these opinions agree with yours. If
they do, let them be known as far as you can in America. What I have
said in this letter as to the futility of the Irish Parliamentarians is
my honest view looking at the matter,while deeply interested,from the
outside. There is no strong man among them-and if there is he is still
kept in bonds by the Machine. So if I may be allowed to suggest-take the wider Ir-
ish line, Sinn Fein,often extreme in expositon-is now the only Irish
policy. It is narrow often,but behind it all is the Soul of Ireland,
which fights and struggles the against injustice and wrong, just as
much when the wrong is done to another as to itself. This is chivilry. Francis Fletcher-Vane
of Hutton