Letter from Richard Hazleton to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 14 March 1918
1
Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois. 14th March, 1918. My dear J.C: I
have just received your letter of yesterday
and can only send you a short note in answer to it as I
have to leave town in a few minutes for an outside en-
gagement. I am glad you wrote me so fully and frankly.
I was with you enough in New York to get to understand
your point of view, which so closely approximates to my
own in many respects as regards the situation in Ireland
that I would like to be able to give you my views on
the issues you raise in your letter. First, as to Moloney, I beg of you to hold his
hand if you can. I do not know him well enoughx to judge
him, but I have great respect for your judgement, and I
know that you regard him as valuable. The impression I
got was one of great ability, with an exaggerated self-
importance and a taste for intrigue. Forgive this if it
is wrong. M., I think, loves to dabble in High Politics.
So would I if I had the time, but I am too busy in the
humbler details of politics. But I would like to see you
hold his hand because I believe that the developments in
the Irish situation will be very rapid now, and it wont be
long before it will be possible for all of us to come to
a much clearer perception of where we stand. The trouble with M. is that he does not see
that T.P. and I are only in a very minor way at the
moment dealing with policy. We are here to get money
without which we need'nt trouble to discuss policy, for if
we fail there will be only the one policy --- that of our
opponents. If Moloney thinks that desirable then he has a
perfect right to go out and attack us, but if not,he
must really make some allowance for the needs of the
situation so long as we are doing the effective thing to
get the money and so long as we dont go wrong on
fundamentals. 2 2. I gather that M. considers it entirely wrong
to attack Sinn Fein. But does he confine that limitation
to this country? Does he think we ought not to confine
fight them in Ireland? The reason I am not a Sinn Feiner
is that so long as there is a chance of saving the
Constitutional movement I believe it is worth saving. But
to do that I must fight Sinn Fein. Such support as we
have been able to get in this country has been as a result
of the war policy of the Constitutional movement, and I am
wholly with T.P. in the attitude that it would be fatal
to do or say anything which would lead people to think that
our attitude on that point had undergone any change. I
think there is room for accomodation as to whether the
point of accentuation in this country ought to be xx
the attack on Sinn Fein or not. I would be perfectly xxx
prepared to discuss the wisdom of putting the soft pedal
on that here, while I see that there can be on relaxation
of the battle in Ireland. Also I think that Dillon's
leadership will show a sound way to put the British Gov-
ernment in the wrong in case of the failure of the Con-
vention and their failure to take hold of the situation
in the right way. I am confident he will give us all a
rallying cry in that event, which can be taken up here
without conflict with our fundamental position on the
war. I have the utmost confidence in his soundness of
judgement, and in the prospect of a bold and de-
termined lead from him. His arm has been paralised for
a long time back, but in his new position he will be
able to give effect to his ideas, particularly as he has
Devlin with him and the element in tne Party that counts
for anything. Therefore, in spite of the apparent black-
ness of the position at the moment, I am fully of hope,
and feel perfectly certain that this is the very last
moment that ought to be chosen by any friend of ours
to make break. I am sure T.P. would agree with all that
I have said. He has emphasised one side of the position,
probably to your displeasure as well as Moloney's, but
I am sure you will agree that he has done it with the sole
object of furthering the purpose we share in common. I
expect him back to-morrow, and do not yet know if I
will accompany him to the West, but I want to keep in
touch with you. Yours always sincerely, Richard Hazleton Reprocessing Ireland
and can only send you a short note in answer to it as I
have to leave town in a few minutes for an outside en-
gagement. I am glad you wrote me so fully and frankly.
I was with you enough in New York to get to understand
your point of view, which so closely approximates to my
own in many respects as regards the situation in Ireland
that I would like to be able to give you my views on
the issues you raise in your letter. First, as to Moloney, I beg of you to hold his
hand if you can. I do not know him well enoughx to judge
him, but I have great respect for your judgement, and I
know that you regard him as valuable. The impression I
got was one of great ability, with an exaggerated self-
importance and a taste for intrigue. Forgive this if it
is wrong. M., I think, loves to dabble in High Politics.
So would I if I had the time, but I am too busy in the
humbler details of politics. But I would like to see you
hold his hand because I believe that the developments in
the Irish situation will be very rapid now, and it wont be
long before it will be possible for all of us to come to
a much clearer perception of where we stand. The trouble with M. is that he does not see
that T.P. and I are only in a very minor way at the
moment dealing with policy. We are here to get money
without which we need'nt trouble to discuss policy, for if
we fail there will be only the one policy --- that of our
opponents. If Moloney thinks that desirable then he has a
perfect right to go out and attack us, but if not,he
must really make some allowance for the needs of the
situation so long as we are doing the effective thing to
get the money and so long as we dont go wrong on
fundamentals. 2 2. I gather that M. considers it entirely wrong
to attack Sinn Fein. But does he confine that limitation
to this country? Does he think we ought not to confine
fight them in Ireland? The reason I am not a Sinn Feiner
is that so long as there is a chance of saving the
Constitutional movement I believe it is worth saving. But
to do that I must fight Sinn Fein. Such support as we
have been able to get in this country has been as a result
of the war policy of the Constitutional movement, and I am
wholly with T.P. in the attitude that it would be fatal
to do or say anything which would lead people to think that
our attitude on that point had undergone any change. I
think there is room for accomodation as to whether the
point of accentuation in this country ought to be xx
the attack on Sinn Fein or not. I would be perfectly xxx
prepared to discuss the wisdom of putting the soft pedal
on that here, while I see that there can be on relaxation
of the battle in Ireland. Also I think that Dillon's
leadership will show a sound way to put the British Gov-
ernment in the wrong in case of the failure of the Con-
vention and their failure to take hold of the situation
in the right way. I am confident he will give us all a
rallying cry in that event, which can be taken up here
without conflict with our fundamental position on the
war. I have the utmost confidence in his soundness of
judgement, and in the prospect of a bold and de-
termined lead from him. His arm has been paralised for
a long time back, but in his new position he will be
able to give effect to his ideas, particularly as he has
Devlin with him and the element in tne Party that counts
for anything. Therefore, in spite of the apparent black-
ness of the position at the moment, I am fully of hope,
and feel perfectly certain that this is the very last
moment that ought to be chosen by any friend of ours
to make break. I am sure T.P. would agree with all that
I have said. He has emphasised one side of the position,
probably to your displeasure as well as Moloney's, but
I am sure you will agree that he has done it with the sole
object of furthering the purpose we share in common. I
expect him back to-morrow, and do not yet know if I
will accompany him to the West, but I want to keep in
touch with you. Yours always sincerely, Richard Hazleton Reprocessing Ireland
In this letter Richard Hazleton discusses Joseph Cyrillus Walsh's relation to a man named Moloney (possibly William J. Maloney), as well as his views of the Irish political party Sinn Féin.
How to cite
Letters 1916, published by the Austrian Centre for Digital Humanities, Vienna, 2026 (https://letters1916static.github.io/letters1916-static/item__6660.html)
- Mentioned in
-
- Letter from Arthur Griffith to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 24 May 1919
- Letter from George Gavin Duffy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 6 July 1920
- Letter from Joseph Cyrillus Walsh to John N. Milholland, 13 June 1921
- Letter from Richard Hazleton to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 14 March 1918
- Letter from George Gavan Duffy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 6 July 1920
- Letter from H. J. Kavanagh to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 February 1920
- Letter from Francis Fletcher-Vane to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 June 1917
- Letter from Michael Harkin to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 5 February 1920
- Letter from Michael Harkin to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 3 February 1921
- Letter from M. Figgis and Maude Gonne MacBride to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 24 March 1922
- Letter from Charles J. Foy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 16 February 1917
- Letter from J. B. Fitzpatrick to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 7 March 1917
- Place
- Congress Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, USA
- Mentioned in
- Letter from Richard Hazleton to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 14 March 1918