Letter from Francis Fletcher-Vane to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 June 1917 Letters 1916-1923 Francis Fletcher-Vane

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In this letter, Francis Fletcher-Vane criticizes MP John E. Redmond for not really representing the will of the Irish people within the British House of Commons. He also asks Walsh to spread his nationalist views in the US, to make sure that the Irish Americans are on his side.

 New York Public Library Manuscripts and Archives Division Joseph C. Walsh Papers. Letter Earls - Foy https://letters1916.ie/item/6664 English Francis Fletcher-Vane 1917-06-23 Rodes Hall, Crowborough, Sussex, England Joseph Cyrillus Walsh Male The Rising Tide (1917-1919) Politics

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 Rodes HallCrowborough, Sussex 23rd June, 1917 My dear --- I can assure you that nothing would give me greaterpleasure than to go out to America and indeed I have done not a littleto try to get there. In the first place I was assured of a good commandand though I loathe war on principle, I am too much of an Irishman notto like the excitement of fighting. My view is this that we have all ofus a very important duty to do all in our power to end the brutal stu-pidity of war-but seeing that neither you nor I had anything to say inmaking or prosecuting this war, the fact that we are in it carries noresponsibility-beyond that of seeing that no ignoble things are donewithin our own sphere of action. The same feeling ruled me in Dublinlast year. I hated and despised the policy which I had to carry out-Ihad to fight men who suffered from a grievance and who fought in achivalrous manner, that they were my countrymen and that their grievancewas also mine, made it harder-yet had I refused to take my place in thefight much worse things might have happened, than any gain which myexemption from the fight could have caused. For example a good many moreinnocent men would have been killed in Portabello Barracks than werekilled ........ until we .cut the painter-not of Empire, for I am aBritish Commonwealthman-but of English influence in Ireland-we can haveno internal peace. We can, therefore, have no solid influence. The lamentable fact is this-I say so as one who whilebeing more Irish than English-and yet more Universal than either(be-cause I have travelled much) the bourgeoise atmosphere of England sapsthe virile energy of the Irish-and was before the little Rebellion oflast year doing infinite harm. Pearce foresaw this. The Communal -2- spirit which is the basis of the Brehon Law, which is expressed in theuniversal hospitality of the natural Irish,which is shown by the rapidacceptance of the Cooperative movement,which is demonstrated by themuch easier disciplining of Irish Troops at the Front, was being slowlydestroyed by English Commercial ideals. The leaders of the so called Ir-ish Party in Parliament were the first sufferers from this fell disease. The revolt against them which we call Sinn Fein,is noth-ing more than the jibbing of a people who believe that they are beingled into servitude. And they are right. They were being led into aservitude to ideals which are foreign to all their traditions. TheirLeasers had been captured by the promises held out of the advantages ofConstitutional agitation-plus £400 a year. The little blaze of the Easter Rising knocked them allsilly. As I know, God help me, Redmond et hoc gereris, feared the Rebelsmore thatn they feared the dominance of English ideals in Ireland. When I came to Redmond on the 2nd May, 1916-before anyof the Rebel Leaders had been executed-and told him that innocent Irishmen like Skeffington, were being slaughtered by English officers, and saidto him that you have now the opportunity of using this knowledge as alever to prevent unnecessary executions of rebels-he was cold. At anyrate he did nothing to prevent the most foolish policy-and brutal-namelythe slow executions,over two weeks,of the Leaders in the Revolt-among whom were included 2 Assistant Scout Masters of Irish Boy Scouts,aged 22 and 23 ( Colbert and Hewson ). The Irish Leaders in Parliamentwere dumb in this crisis-thinking no doubt how the revolt might affecttheir influence. So between the 3rd.May and the 12th. Pearce, McDonnagh,Plunkett,Connolly and the rest-were done to death. Some of the choic-est spirits in Ireland. And though perhaps the execution of some fewof them was necessary-there is no possibility of doubt that the shoot-ing of 16 for a revolt of a few thousdands, was entirely unnecessary, was -3- impolitic, and might have been prevented. Had the Irish Leaders in Parliament, on that day when Ireported to them the murders of Skeffington etcet. , risen to the occas-ion-moved the adjournment of the House and played havoc with the wholedirty place, they would have prevented the killing of at least a halfof the rebels. William O'Brien is was the one man among them (and he was ill)who seemed to realise the opportunity. Let me put the mattter clearly before you.. On the 2nd. May-I having reported the murders of threeinnocent men (by an officer who, though under my command, I had been pre-vented by the Irish Headquarters from placing under arrest for his acctsand who a week afterwards was still allowed to be in command of troops)to the War Office, I proceeded to the House of Commons, and there in thepresence of Mr. John Burns told the story to the Irish Leader, Mr. JohnRedmond. The day before in Dublin I had heard that the Military Auth-orities were going to shoot every man they could. I, therefore, said toMr. John Redmond that I placed in his hands facts of murder by a Brit-ish officer, and that I hoped that he would use these as a lever withthe Govenment, to prevent an exuberance in executions of rebels. Nat-urally, Redmond had all the cards in his hand-my bona fides was undoubt-ed for I had just reported the same thing to the Secretary for War. Yet nothing was done, by the united effort of the IrishParty, until the 16 were executed. I am a man accustomed in War, to act quickly-and to methe greatest crime is that of delay. The Leader of the Irish Partydelayed until he saw which way the cat jumped-or was likely to jump-and I have no use for such leaders. Moreover, his delay ruined hisparty because for right or wrong, an Irishman who rebels, we, who knowIrish History, cannot honestly condem as such. And even if condem-ing we might attempt to prevent the folly of violent retaliation. The fact remains that what we call Sinn Fein is the -4- repudiation of the policy of mild compromise which has failed owing toits own intrinsic weakness. 16 men were shot in cold blood for a lit-tle rebellion-and the National Leaders did not try to prevent un-necessary shootings. So they have lost power!! Now Sinn Fein, if properly led-as the soul of Ireland isbehind it-should settle for all time the Irish question. But I am notsure. But of this I am sure it can-if it will-ally itself withthe spirit of the European peoples. This War was at first a very nobleCrusade-for freedom of a small Nationality, for the Defence of Franceunjustly attacked. For this all Irishmen and the majority of Englishmenwho joined in 1914 came out for to fight. They did not come out to fight for trade,or conquest,orImperialism. Yet since the War commenced the Authorities have changedthe objective. Now it is for trade routes to the East,for German Col-onies captured,for Alsace and Lorraine,for Constantinople,for Trieste-and other things which not only have nothing to do with the originalsacrifice but are in some respects directly opposed to the interestsof those who first volunteered. Extension of trade for example is dir-ectly opposed to the interests of the Workers until their share ofthe profits of trade which they make by their industry is adjusted.Any expansion of Commerce by any country is only a means by which theCapitalist hopes to postpone the day of reckoning-the balancing of theaccount,between Men and Labour. Therefore,you will see that the volunteers of 1914-1915,the vast majority of whom are Socialists, or Trade Unionists, are goingnow to put their end in to prevent Capitalist Imperialism The lines indicated by the Russian Republic-and in aless distinct form by President Wilson,are those which the Labour Partyin England are demanding. As these are so closely in touch with the soul of Ire- -5- land-there should be no difficulty. The Irish Americans must be withus. This war,therefore,must be the last War-of this I amsure every man engaged in the ranks of the many Armies engaged is quiteclear-but it also must not end in a Peace which is dictated by the in-terests of an interested Class. Peace when it comes must be a People'sPeace,not that thing, a ephemeral thing, a Capitalist one. I do not know how these opinions agree with yours. Ifthey do, let them be known as far as you can in America. What I havesaid in this letter as to the futility of the Irish Parliamentarians ismy honest view looking at the matter,while deeply interested,from theoutside. There is no strong man among them-and if there is he is stillkept in bonds by the Machine. So if I may be allowed to suggest-take the wider Ir-ish line, Sinn Fein,often extreme in expositon-is now the only Irishpolicy. It is narrow often,but behind it all is the Soul of Ireland,which fights and struggles the against injustice and wrong, just asmuch when the wrong is done to another as to itself. This is chivilry. Francis Fletcher-Vaneof Hutton Francis Fletcher-Vane Postcard from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 25 July 1916Note from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 16 May 1916Note from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 19 May 1916Note from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 21 May 1916Letter from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 7 June 1916Letter from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 28 July 1916Letter from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 20 July 1916Letter from Major Francis Fletcher-Vane to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 17 July 1916Letter from Francis Fletcher-Vane to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 June 1917 Joseph Cyrillus Walsh Letter from Arthur Griffith to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 24 May 1919Letter from George Gavin Duffy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 6 July 1920 Letter from Joseph Cyrillus Walsh to John N. Milholland, 13 June 1921Letter from Richard Hazleton to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 14 March 1918Letter from George Gavan Duffy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 6 July 1920Letter from H. J. Kavanagh to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 February 1920Letter from Francis Fletcher-Vane to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 June 1917Letter from Michael Harkin to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 5 February 1920Letter from Michael Harkin to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 3 February 1921Letter from M. Figgis and Maude Gonne MacBride to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 24 March 1922Letter from Charles J. Foy to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 16 February 1917Letter from J. B. Fitzpatrick to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 7 March 1917 Rodes Hall, Crowborough, Sussex, England Letter from Francis Fletcher-Vane to Joseph Cyrillus Walsh, 23 June 1917