1 61 Fleet Street May 31st My dear Mrs. Fitzgerald, I was very glad indeed to have your fine letter, and
the spirit running through is calculated to cure even the most cynical
of their lack of faith in the readiness of individuals to make sacrifice
for ideals. I can understand what it must mean to you to make the sac-
rifice demanded of you, but I know that you have much too fine a conception
of your duty to Ireland to place personal feelings or considerations first.
I am sure you will find comfort in the thought that your husband has not
failed in his duty to Ireland where so many have failed. The choice he
has made will naturally be a severe ordeal to him, it will be increased
by anxiety about you and the children, but it will make things ever so
much easier for him to know that you are facing your part with such a
fine courage. Years ago I came to the conclusion that nothing would be
more disastrous to the Irish Nation than to attain a sham independence
without one more attempt on the part of the bravest and best of her sons
and daughters to win it by force and sacrifice rather than to rely on
sordid policital intrigues. My one dream was that I might live to take
part in such an uprising. In a moment of ill-health when opponents in
public and private where were pressing me hard and I was smarting under
a sense of ingratitude from people I had sacrificied myself in serving I
lost faith in the future and left Ireland for good. I have never ceased
to regret that step, and my regret has been intensified manifold lately
by what has taken place. Something of my old enthusiasm was revived by
my chance meeting with you, because almost from the first I recognised in
you a woman inspired by the same faith that had kept me alive through
a boyhood and a manhood spentearly manhood where in which the profession
of views like mine meant the deprivation of ties of friendship, and even
the loss of the ordinary amenities of family life. Regrets, however, are
useless now. Feeling here has not improved so far as those taking part in the
rising are concerned. Everywhere one hears them denounced in that self-
complacent way for which the Englishman is famed. Even the more Liberal
fall back on the 'argument', 'But what do they expect to gain by it?' There
you have the sou ld of the Englishman laid bare. It is always a question
of profit and loss. He can never undertake an enterprise unless you can
work out for him with paper and pencil how much he is likely to gain by
it. Show him in shillings, in pence, or even in decimals of pence what
his profit is likely to be and he will risk even the puny soul he has
got. That attitude of mind is influencing public opinion towards the
'rebels', and makes it very difficult to forecast the future. My impres-
sion, however, is that if any 'settlement' of the Irish Question is reached
the politicians will be shamed into making a general amnesty a part of it.
In that case your husband should be restored to you. I will bear in mind
what you have told me of his case, and will do what I can at any moment
where circumstances seem to justify action. I would not lay too much stress
on the point about the concession of belligerent rights after twenty-four
hours. International Law is very uncertain on the point, and in the last
resort the status of men in insurrection is governed by its success 2 or failure. If you will tell me where your husband is confined I may be able
to pay him a visit. I should like very much to see you again, and the
children also. I am glad they are being brought up on the right lines,
and am sure that their father's example, not to speak of your own, will
be an inspiration to them in after life. How are your own people taking
it? I suppose they have disowned you. That, however, will hardly trouble
you. It is one of the prices one has got to pay in Ireland for daring to
develop views out of harmony with those of one's family. The Sheehy-Skeffington affair is terrible, but you cannot make
Englishmen realise that. They go on as usual paying themselves compliments
about their magnanimity, their superiority to the Germans, and the ingrati-
tude of all who refuse to be content under the benevolent rule of the
Briton. The war has been a source of some trial and difficulty to me.
All wars I detest, but I haveI have no enthusiasm for the 'Empire,' and
whether Britain goes under or not does not concern me. I have, however,
a very strong affection for France, and some dislike of Germany. I would
look upon it as a great disaster if France were crushed again, and for the
sake of France I do desire the success of the allies. That does not lead
me to share the absurd notionidea about the supposed infamy of those
who have 'aided' the Germans by riisingthe standard of revolt in Ireland.
English Statesmanship and that alone must shoulder the responsibilty for
any advantage which the enemies of France have gained from affairs in
Ireland I will have to finish now, but I wish you would write to me from
time to time and let me know how things are with you. I will do what I
can to reply to you. You must also let me know of any way in which I can
be of assistance to you. Very sincerely yours, Harry Stockman