1 Knocksullish,
Scariff, Co. Clare. 18 June 1916 Dear Coffey, Enclosed is an outline of a plan for settling the Ulster difficulty.
I feel that it is rather presumptuous for an unknown man to set out to
find a solution, but as far as I can see the idea of Irishmen who are
not party politicians are unco-ordinated and for the moment inarticulate.
I have received some very interesting comments on my plan already, and I
feel that a combination of the best points of each would be more likely
to produce a real settlement than anything else. Perhaps the simplest idea is that of Mr. G.W. Russell (A.E.) who, in a
long letter dealing with Ireland's relation to Europe as well as her in-
ternal relations, suggests that we should return to the King, Lords and
Commons of Ireland, the House of Lords having an absolute veto, as the
British house had before the Parliament Act. This, he feels, would be
the simplest and most efficient safeguard to Protestant and Unionist in-
terests and at the same time would tend to make our upper classes more
Irish and to keep them in the country, he thinks that the system of
representation I have suggested for the Lower House could be adopted to-
gether with a House of Peers. I have little doubt but that this would
be accepted with delight by Nationalist Ireland; I daresay the Ulster
Unionists might accept it too. I may add that all my correspondents are unanimous in disliking
the policy of exclusion and in emphasizing the essential need of colon-
ial self-government (advocated by the Round Table group). I hope to publish the various letters I receive in the form of a
pamphlet, as a contribution of non-party Irishmen towards a solution. The question I am dealing with hardly affects the matter of tempor-
ary exclusion (except in so far as any bad arrangement might prejudice
the future) I want to get something as a permanent basis, Yours
Ned Lysaght D.Coffey, Esq.,
5 Harcourt Tce,
Dublin. 2 It is agreed that a golden opportunity for the settlement
of the Irish problem has come. Our affairs are in process
of being settled by men who were elected as our represen
tatives six years ago. Since 1910 many striking events
have occurred each of sufficient importance to Ireland to
have justified a general election. In fact, the opinion
of independa e nt men, whose views on what is for the good of
Ireland are not blinded by their views of what is good for
some particular party, is now unheeded and almost unheard.
I write this letter as a non-party man, interested in the
future of my country, but without special qualification of
any kind to speak. It seems to me that eight salient facts stand out :
First : It is admitted that the old regime is impossible.
Second : Nationalist Ireland objects to the dismemberment
of Ireland by the exclusion of Ulster or any part of it.
Third : Ulster Unionists object to being in the power (as they
put it) of an Irish parliament.
Fourth : Southern Unionists are on the whole prepared to give
Home Rule a fair trial.
Fifth : Even in the four Counties there is a very considerable
Nationalist minority, to coerce which would be as unfair
as to coerce Unionist Ulster.
Sixth : War taxation has proved that Ireland is not bankrupt.
We contribute something like 26 millions now to the
Imperial Exchequer; before the was Irish expenditure
was, I think, 11 millions. 3 Seventh : The dual control set up by the Home Rule act is likely to
lead to friction, as dual control invariably does. Eight : The fuller and more generous the measure of self government,
the more likely is Ireland to take a willing place in the
British Empire. I believe this myself and South Africa
would help to prove it; but possibly it might be regarded
by some as a not uncontroversial statement. To evolve a scheme which will take account of these facts and meet
them in the work which has to be done. I claim no merit of originality for the following plan: I venture,
however, to put it forward because it seems to me to fulfill the
required conditions. But I do so rather in the hopes of its forming
the basis for better suggestions, than as a cut—and—dried proposal for
settlement. The essential features of it are —:
1. A Parliament for all Ireland.
2. A Council or Parliament for all Ulster to deal with purely Ulster
affairs.
3. Financial autonomy.
4. No Irish members in the British Parliament.
5. Both Ireland and Ulster to be represented as Units on such Imperial
Council of the self governing states of the British Empire as we
may reasonably assume will be formed after the war.
6. The Ulster Council or Parliament to have a veto in respect of
any law not passed through the Irish Parliament by a certain major—
ity.
(2) 4 (say 3/5 of the Lower House and a bare majority of the Upper) as regards
the application of that law to the Province of Ulster.
7. The Ulster Council or Parliament to have the right of appeal to
the Imperial Council in respect of any law, irrespective of the
majority by which it was passed, against its application to the
Province of Ulster.
8. Election to the Lower House on a basis of population and by
proportional representation.
9. Selection of Upper House by process of election by various public
bodies and institutions in the Country from among their own
members, and ex officio by the tenure of certain ecclesiastical
and public Offices. Items 8 and 9 require a little elaboration even in the comparatively
short outline of this kind, to show their force and object. The object
of No. 8. is to provide minority representation. In order to do
so the larger the constituency the better, but anything larger than a
single county or city would be unwidely. Possibly, even, it might
be necessary to divide the larger counties into two, but for
the purpose of my present calculations I have not done so. I would
suggest one member to roughly every 30,000 persons and I would concede
one member also to all towns over 12,000 inhabitants in order to
increase both urban and Ulster representatives; in effect it would
add Lurgan, Newry, Dundalk, Drogheda, Portadown, Wexford and
Galway to the constituencies. Not counting University members,
which should be returned by both Trinity and the National University,
we would then have a House of 143. 52 would be from Ulster, 91 from
(3) 5 the rest of Ireland. Of these 40 would be returned by cities and
towns, 22 from Ulster, 18 from other provinces. It will thus be
seen at a glance that a combination of Ulster and urban votes would
amount to 74 or a majority of 5. When it is remembered that Ulster,
which means generally industrial, interests could not be prejudiced by
any law not carried by a majority of 29 (i.e. a 3/5 majority) in a
full House, it will be seen that the facts of the case provide
better safeguards to Ulster than the paper safeguards which have
been so much despised. It is true that parts of Ulster would go
against Ulster interests, as we are now considering them, but I have no
doubt that it would be more than counterbalanced by conflicting inter—
ests among other parties— for no one imagines that the pledge—bound
discipline of a single Irish Party can continue in a native Parlia—
ment— and by the affect of proportional representation, I believe
this in itself would prove a very check on any persecution
which, I think quite erroneously, is feared by the minority. By
having large constituencies we greatly increase the likelihood of
the best minority representation being returned. Thus Dublin and
Belfast would each return 13 members, Co. Cork and Co. Down 10, Co.
Tipperary and Co. Tyrone 5 each, and so on down to the single member
constituencies such as Co. Leitrim. Co. Carlow, Derry, Limerick,
and Waterford and other towns I mentioned. These practical safe—
guards apply as well in religious as in industrial matters and a
senate of a judicial and steady kind would provide additional security.
I do not propose now to go into details on this point, but by way of
(4) 6 suggestion I would propose that the members of such institutions as
the R.D.S., the I.A.O.S., the Royal Hibernian Academy, the College
Surgeons and Physicians and so on should each choose one member, or
alternatively their presidents might be members ex officio; each
county Council could return one or two members; chambers of commerce,
ecclesiastical interests could provide representatives in the same way.
Commerce, transport, and agricultur e al industry, science and the churches
would thus have direct representation without the possible waywardness
of popular election; and this would I take it, be no negation of
democracy in as much as it has never been proposed to give the Upper
House greater power than that of suggesting amendments and retarding
legislation which it considers unlikely to reflect the will of the
country. Is it too late for Irishmen to attempt something constructive in solv—
ing the problem of their own future? The best Irish measures passed
in late years have come from the brains of Irishmen. Is the Home Rule
Act with which so few were honestly satisfied, inevitably to be taken
as the basis of settlement now? It cannot be so taken, I hold, if
the settlement is to be a permanent one. (5) 7 BALLYCLARE BOND 25, 26 New Ireland R